Thousands of innocent lives lost due to BJP and its cohorts RSS and VHP

Babri Masjid issue and the role of RSS/ Advani /BJP

Extracts from, “Historicizing Myth and Mythologizing History: The Violent "Ram Temple" Drama” by S.P. Udayakumar in Handcuffed to History: Narratives, Pathologies, and Violence in South Asia. Edited by S.P. Udayakumar. Praeger, London. 2001

 

1990

The RSS mouthpiece Organiser of January 14, 1990 ... claimed that it "was not a case about the title of a place but of undoing a historical wrong and for that matter no court could decide it."

 

Advani set out in September on his 10,000 kilometer rathyatra (chariot procession), which was to converge on Ayodhya for construction and to force the govern­ment to hand over the site to the Hindutva forces. [“Along the route of the procession, Hindus clashed with Muslims and hundreds were killed in the name of god – Rama or Allah”, Barbara Stoler Miller in her Presidential Address: Contending Narratives -- The Political Life of the Indian Epics, The Journal of Asian Studies, volume 50, No. 4, 732-792]. When Advani and his co­horts were arrested in Bihar on October 23, the BJP withdrew its support of the government and the V. P. Singh ministry fell on November 9.

 

1992 

When the demonstra­tors had pulled down the outer wall of the mosque around 1:30 P.M., one could hear the frenzied slogans of Uma Bharati, another Hindutva leader on the stage: "Aur ek dhakka do. Babri Masjid thod do. Aur jor. Aur jor!" (One more hard push. Break the Babri Masjid. Harder. Harder! (The Week, December 20, 1992, p. 42)

 

Uma Bharati had said: "It is the most blissful day of my entire life, I keep pinching myself to see if I am awake."(India Today, December 31, 1992, p. 28).

 

Cases were registered against L. K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharati of the BJP (all of whom have been central government minis­ters), Ashok Singhal and Vishnu Hari Dalmia of the VHP and Vinay Katiyar of the Bajrang Dal. They were all arrested and remanded to judicial custody. In an elusive statement on December 8, Advani retorted: “[W]hen an old structure which ceased to be a mosque over 50 years back is pulled down by a group of people exasperated by the tardiness of the judicial process, and the obtuseness and myopia of the executive, they are reviled by the President, the Vice President and political parties as betrayers of the nation, destroyers of the constitution and what not! ... I wish to caution Government against this approach. Their pronouncements against kar sevaks are only strengthening the movement.” (N. Ram, "Hindutva's Challenge," Seminar 402 (February 1993), p. 25. 30. Chanchreek and Prasad, Crisis in India, p. 109.)

 

Table 1: Deaths due to Police firing in 3 days in Bombay

Date of firing

Nirmal Nagar

Kherwadi

7-12-92

5

2

8-12-92

3

10

9-12-92

2

-

Total

10

12

 

Religion wise breakup of these deaths: Muslims 21, Hindus 1

(official statistics cited in Politics of Violence, p.56)

 

1993

BJP’s white paper on Babri (Word version – 750KB, can be provided on request. Write to sanjeev@sabhlokcity.com)

 

1998

Launching the party's election campaign in Faizabad (near Ayodhya) on February 6, 1998, L. K. Advani reiterated the party's resolve to build the temple. He reasoned, "The BJP has put the Ayodhya issue in its election manifesto. We cannot overlook the popular sentiments for construction of a Rama temple in the birthplace of Lord Rama." ("Advani Reiterates Resolve to Build Ram Temple," The Hindu, February 7, 1998.)

 

BJP and its imposter Hindus -- the shame of Bharat

[Describing the first Surat riots since 1927, that happened after Dec 6 1992]

“While there were the usual hit-and-run assaults, at times Hindu rioters' activities in Surat looked like rituals. When that happened, despite the bustle of mob frenzy, vi­olence was marked by a sinister elaborateness. The arson they indulged in then re­sembled the community bonfire organized on the occasion of the Holi festival. It bore an even more bizarre resemblance-one with sacrificial "yajnas" -- as some of the rioters threw into the rising flames, as oblation, live human beings, including children. A display was made of the raping of Muslim women and girls, and there were instances in which the ritual concluded with the killing of the victim, or with the insertion of rods into her vagina and anus. Nor were the killings effected by the rioters always simple, quick operations. The victims at times were made to utter "Jai Shri Ram" -- the war cry of Hindutva -- before being hacked to death or burnt alive. (Sudhir Chandra, "Of Communal Consciousness and Communal Violence: Impressions from Post-Riot Surat," Economic and Political Weekly 28/36, Sep­tember 4, 1993, p. 1883)

 

The questions that Muslims now ask

[An] articulate Muslim who had organised relief for riot-affected people from an area in Surat where the worst kind of ritualised violence was enacted … reeled off various variations of the root question, and came to: 'What - an we do to persuade them that we belong here?' At this point he described the rape and killing of a young Muslim school teacher. The chilling narrative ended, he added: ‘Why did they kill her? She was not a Mussulman. She was in every way a Hindu.' She dressed, he clarified, like a Hindu woman, even putting on a bindi on her forehead, and observed perfect vegetarianism. Yet she was killed.

 

To understand the disturbing implications of this particular account, we need to recall the fate of those Jews in Hitler's Germany who, out of genuine conviction, behaved like Germans in every possible way. They fared no better than their co-religionists who, while believing that they were German, retained their distinguishing Jewish marks.

 

One thought that frequently occurs to Muslims in this state of impotence and confusion is that of terrorism. (Sudhir Chandra, "Of Communal Consciousness and Communal Violence: Impressions from Post-Riot Surat," Economic and Political Weekly 28/36, Sep­tember 4, 1993, p. 1883)

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